The week that passes was hot both in terms of weather and politics. All TOP parties announced member lists for elections to the parliament, Zelensky began mass cleaning of personnel in the regions, and Viktor Medvedchuk began to harvest the votes in the last surveys. Most important in details – in traditional digest from Opinion.
This week almost all parties from the first ten announced their lists. The hottest trend: maximum honesty of the party members, their media recognizability and Facebook-primaries when after the found oppo research they readily say goodbye to any number on the list. If Zelensky, Poroshenko and Vakarchuk attracted volunteers, artists, experts to their projects, Yuliia Tymoshenko‘s Batkivshchyna party didn’t even try to make a bid for new faces:
– Yuliia Tymoshenko;
– Leader of the Osnova party, non-factional deputy Serhiy Taruta;
– Former head of the SBU Valentyn Nalyvaichenko;
– Deputy Head of the Batkivshchyna parliamentary faction Serhiy Sobolev;
– People’s deputy of the Batkivshchyna faction Olena Kondratyuk.
In addition, Ms Yuliia Tymoshenko announced her readiness to unite with the Zelensky’s party “Servant of the People”. But does the president need such bisons of the Ukrainian politics among the “friends”? Probably, he doesn’t. The experts expect the possible coalition of “Servant of the People” + Vakarchuk’s “Holos”. Of course, if Zelensky’s party succeed in taking more than half of the parliament (and sociologists don’t reject this option), then no coalition will have to be created.
By the way, about ratings. According to the last research of the sociological group “Rating”, 47,5% voters are ready to support “Servant of the People”.
Other parties which overpass 5% election threshold:
– “Opposition platform – For Life” of Viktor Medvedchuk, Vadym Rabynovych and Yuriy Boyko – 10,4% (previously 10,7%);
– “European Solidarity” of Petro Poroshenko – 7.9% (previously 7.8%);
– “Batkivshchyna” of Yuliia Tymoshenko – 7.5% (previously 6.9%);
– “Holos” of Svytoslav Vakarchuk – 6,4% (previously 5,6%)
Apart from this, several parties are close to overpassing the election threshold:
– “Strength and Honor” of Ihor Smeshko – 4,3%;
– “Radical Party” of Oleh Lyashko – 2,5%;
– “Civil Position” of Anatoliy Hrytsenko – 2,4%;
– “Ukrainian Strategy” of Volodymyr Groysman – 1,4%;
– “Opposition Bloc” of Oleksandr Vilkul – 1,2%;
– “Svoboda” – 1,0%.
Other parties which run for the parliament, according to the surveys, don’t reach 1%.
The surveys were conducted on June 6-9. The research error doesn’t exceed 2,2%.
The second place in the rating is taken by the party which leaders play around Moscow. Moreover, Medvedchuk is a godfather of Putin’s child. The General Prosecutor’s Office under the leadership of Yuriy Lutsenko on the eve of the presidential election even initiated a case against Medvedchuk for treason. But, like any other outrageous case from the Prosecutor General’s Office, it was laid into a long and dark drawer that is opened not for the sake of justice or law, but for the sake of political bonuses for Lutsenko himself.
So, most likely, Ukrainians will see Medvedchuk not in jail, together with Boyko and his corrupt schemes in Ukraine’s gas fields, but in the seats of the Verkhovna Rada along with 30 other fellows, parliamentary immunity and frankly anti-constitutional appeals.
Thirty – this is only on the party lists, how many of them are in the “pro-Russian group” due to majoritarian and defectors from other parties – is yet unknown.
Meanwhile, Holos Party of Svyatoslav Vakarchuk excluded two people from the candidate list due to the involvement in Medvedchuk and Opposition Bloc in the 2014 elections.
“There are red lines which we are not going to cross. In particular, this is the involvement in the pro-Russian forces or cooperation with them. It is unacceptable for us. We stand for the European future of Ukraine and these people turn us awry,” stated anti-corruption activist Oleksandra Ustinova.
The Constitution itself and its provisions were interpreted this week at whoever’s will. For example, president Zelensky considers the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada and the appointment of the pre-term elections legal, but the deputies don’t. On June 11, the Constitutional Court began considering the issue of compliance with the decree of President Volodymyr Zelensky on the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada and the appointment of early elections to the Constitution of Ukraine. Approximately at 18.00, the court started a close trial session.
Sources argue that the decision on the legality of dissolution will be approved not earlier than June 20 when only one month is left to the elections. However, pre-term elections are OK both for the president, the TOP-5 parties and voters, in case of a negative decision of the Constitutional Court, the elections will be postponed to October. According to experts, such an option is not best suited for Zelensky’s MPs, because the masses will launch a message “The president wants changes, but the old government does not.” So it will be highly probable for a one-party quorum in parliament to be gathered.
Meanwhile, Zelensky is cleaning up (more precisely, he’s messing up) the regional vertical power.
By his decree, the president dismissed 15 chairmen of regional state administrations, said the deputy head of the administration of the President of Ukraine Ruslan Ryaboshapka.
So, the chairmen of Chernihiv, Khmelnytsky, Kherson, Ternopil, Sumy, Poltava, Odesa were dismissed. Interim chairmen of Mykolaiv, Lviv, Kirovograd, Kyiv, Ivano-Frankivsk, Zaporizhia, Transcarpathian and Volyn Regional State Administrations were suspended from their duties, said Ryaboshapka.
Traditionally in Ukraine, the chairmen of the Regional State Administrations are representatives of the president and often play the role of “watchmen during elections”. In the regions, officials are still called the “governors” in the Russian imperial model. Most likely, there will be new chairmen in the regional councils and then it will be possible to say: they are managers or again “governors”.
While the masters argue, ordinary Ukrainians have nearly faced environmental catastrophe. On June 9, in the village of Zbarzhivka, Pogrebyshchensky District, Vinnytsia region, during transportation of 1 ton of Nural B insecticide, a truck flipped over, resulting in chemicals getting into the inflow of the Ros River. In Bila Tserkva, Kyiv region and Uman, Cherkasy region they had to turn off the water supply so that the chemicals didn’t get to the houses and apartments. The water was brought in the cities in tanks and the dirty part of the river was blocked. Fortunately, the rescue squad managed to prevent water pollution.
However, a terrible fire in Odesa psychiatric hospital resulted in casualties. Seven dead, mostly, old people who because of mental disabilities couldn’t take care of themselves. And couldn’t leave the building on fire. The nurse who helped to rescue the patients also died.
Preliminary results of the expertise show that the fire got into the hospital from the outside. Whether it was arson or accident is being recently investigated. But let us note that two months ago, in the same circumstances, this hospital was burning. Conclusions haven’t been made and fire safety measures haven’t been taken either.
This indecision and uncertainty have already become a negative marker of national consciousness. Official Kyiv has not yet decided which government of Moldova it recognizes. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine simultaneously calls Maia Sandu, appointed by the opposition majority of Parliament, a Prime Minister of Moldova, and Pavel Filip, appointed by the Constitutional Court of the country, an interim president.
Recall that in Moldova pro-Russian party of the president Ihor Dodon merged with pro-European force and created a new government. Opposite powers united against the ruling Democratic Party and its leader-oligarch Volodymyr Plakhotnyuk. Constitutional Court of Moldova temporarily suspended Ihor Dodon from the post, appointing ex-Prime Minister Pavel Filip an interim president. The decision was taken due to the fact that Dodon didn’t dissolve the parliament.
Pavel Filip dissolved the parliament although the MPs don’t recognize this decision. Doesn’t this political crisis look familiar?
Text by Kostyantyn Rul